Fourth Encounter Project: Joke (or Other Verbal Art)

A joke which has been circulating in my everyday life is somewhat atypical in that it is of a specific genre which often is quite esoteric in nature. The genre of joke to which I am referring is “jokes that are funny because they make no sense.” The particular joke that has been circulating was actually invented by my younger cousin when he was four years old. He had only recently learned the concept of joking as a form of verbal humor. Due to the fact that he had not fully grasped the concept, the jokes which he invented tended to be virtual non sequiturs. One of these nonsensical jokes I found especially humorous and began retelling to my friends. This was a knock-knock joke, which was originally delivered in this manner:

Person 1: Knock knock

Person 2: Who is there?

Person 1: Hamsters

Person 2: Hamsters who?

Person 1: No hamsters, no pets, I’m going swimming! (Person 1 then runs out of the room after having delivered this punch line.)

After having been told this, I immediately saw much humor in the nonsensical nature of this joke. I began to tell it on rare occasions when such a bizarre form of verbal humor is not expected by all in attendance. In fact, I recently told it to a friend while we were amidst a game of chess. The serious nature of the game juxtaposed with the unusual, nonsensical nature of the joke heightened the intended outcome, which was to baffle yet amuse “person 2.”

Though I encountered this joke a number of years ago, I have continued to find it humorous ever since. The reason for this is not so much that the joke itself is funny, but rather the humorous elements are based on the fact that it makes no sense and bewilders the individual who takes the role of “person 2” in this discourse due to the fact that they are expecting a more traditional form of punch line. This implies that the humor of the joke is reliant on the disjointed nature of the punch line rather than on any sort of pun or other coherent information relayed. For this very reason, the joke itself always seems rather novel. Ultimately the way in which this joke transmits humor is not that which was intended by my cousin some years ago. This suggests that the very nature of the joke has evolved based on differing interpretations and contexts in which the joke is presented.

This blog entry is my 4th Encounter Project: Joke

My Understanding of Performance as a Phenomenon

Based upon the ideas and examples presented in chapter five of Living Folklore, my understandings of performance have deepened in that my concept of what can be considered a performance has been altered. This revision is based upon the fact that I had previously considered a true performance to be something that exists in a clearly defined space or context where the audience had prior knowledge that a performance was to occur. By contrast, Sims and Stephens argue that the occurrence of a performance of some sort does not have to be explicitly stated, rather recognizable structures of speech can indicate to those listening that a verbal performance of some sort is about to occur (p. 128-132).For example, the stating of proverbs, jokes, and other such performances can be denoted by the context in which they are presented within a conversation. This means that certain signals are given within the conversation which separate the proceeding segment of the conversation from that which was merely normal discourse through indications that the type of performance is to ensue. In addition to this, based on the context, both the one who acts out a verbal performance as well as the audience understands the role that each of them plays within the context. This means that all will understand the implicit meanings associated with the verbal content of the performance. For example, the person being told a joke or proverb would understand of the meanings of the proverb or some sort of esoteric knowledge relating to the joke which results in the punch line being interpreted as humorous. This implies a sort of understanding of the roles that the performer and audience have within the context of verbal performance as well as mutual knowledge and understandings of what is being relayed within this form of discourse. In essence, cultural understandings of the indication of a joke being performed within a given context in addition to knowledge relating to the subject being discussed must be shared between those involved in order for this form of verbal cultural performance to occur.

This blog entry is my response to the Chapter Five Reflection Question.

Ritual from Your Own Life

According to Sims and Stephens, ritual is a habitual act of members of a group which serves as an expression of the traditions, beliefs, values, and identity of that group which can be made visible to nonmembers. Taking part in these rituals serves as a means of defining the function of the group, but also it allows for a sort of separation between those who are and are not directly linked with the faction. Rituals can take the form of any kind of highly contextualized, habitual act which is performed by all members of the group in order to reinforce the values and meanings of the group (Sims and Stephens, 94-96). A notable, yet low-context ritual from my own life is a rather humorous means of saying goodbye to visiting relatives which occurs quite frequently between members of my father’s side of my family. This ritual consisted of the members of the family who had been visited to stand on the front porch of the house and pull a white handkerchief from their pocket and to wave it to the visiting relatives as a means of waving goodbye. This was done by the host family as the departing relatives were pulling out of the driveway. My paternal grandfather was the person who carried on this tradition from his grandparents, who he recalled having done this whenever his family was departing after a visit. A few years ago, I asked him if he knew why they had always done this when he was young and also of the general origins of this family ritual. He revealed that it was believed to date back quite a few generations before his grandparents. In fact, it was reported that this ritual dates back at least to my ancestors who lived in Germany during the first half of the nineteenth century. This sendoff presumably was started by one of my ancestors waving a cloth of some sort, which may have simply been a piece handkerchief that was readily available or may have actually been used as part of the trade of the individual, at departing guests. It is also possible that this way of waving goodbye may have actually been a local tradition practiced in a particular community in a part of Germany in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. If this is so, then a normal practice of communication from centuries ago has been preserved and ritualized within the context of the interaction of descendants. This means that an ordinary activity of the past has become a ritual which is used within the context of family interaction in order to express a sense of group based on a shared family history.

This blog entry is my response to the Chapter Four Reflection Question

Third Encounter Project: Architecture

In order to investigate a form of traditional folk architecture of a particular area of the world, I had to primarily utilize available library resources. The chosen form of folk architecture is medieval Norwegian stave churches, many of which still stand to this day, though typically they have been altered or repaired throughout the centuries. The information about these unique structures is gathered from Hakon Christie’s 1978 article, “World Archaeology: Lom Stave Church,” which appeared in the peer-reviewed journal, Archaeology and Religion. According to Christie, the vast majority of churches built in during the Middle Ages were constructed of wood, and the twenty seven which still stand are all composed of this building material. These churches are characterized by a nave, or areas surrounding the front alter, with a raised center that is supported by free-standing posts. The basilica, or large, rectangular area at the front of the building where those in attendance sit, is constructed with a “notched-log technique” (p.192-194). This means that the entirety of the church is of post and beam construction, which means that the structure is supported by a series of wooden columns and walls in order to create stability, this results in a unique aesthetic characterized by each of the series of the walls, which are incorporated into the design of the slanting roof. In other words, the form of the structure is greatly affected by the techniques used to create stability. Each of the small walls or rows of wooden columns was covered by a diagonal series of beams, which supported part of the roof. Due to the fact that these supporting walls were not as tall as the central part of the building, which was intentional so as to create a steeple-shape for the central part, the exterior of the building looks to have a very high, narrow, steep roof. This resulted in what appears from the outside to be layered roofs, not entirely dissimilar to some architecture seen in other parts of the world. During the past few centuries, many of these structures were altered either due to repairs or as additions to the older structure. For example, many were said to have been altered in the seventeenth century to have a bell tower or had additions put on so that it took on a cruciform shape (p. 192,194-196). The interior of these churches was originally rectangular in shape, with a door at one of the narrow ends, which was opposite the main altar that was located in the nave. The nave was probably the oldest part of the church and the rest of the room was built as a series of additions starting in the middle ages. During the past few decades, these churches have been repaired as well as the site of thorough archaeological excavations. These have revealed that many of these current structures date back to at least the eleventh century, and that they may have been constructed from reused materials from older buildings that stood there (p.197-200). In fact, it is theorized that these structures may have incorporated many design elements of as well as the actual structure of older, pre-Christian temples. This implies that these temples may illustrate the transition from the worship of Norse gods to the embrace of Christianity.

This blog entry is my 3rd Encounter Project: Architecture.

Source:
Christie, Hakon, " World Archaeology: Lom Stave Church," Archaeology and Religion, Vol. 10, No.2. (Oct., 1978), p. 192-203.